By Jim Powers
jim@polkcountypublishing.com
Ever heard the term competitive authoritarianism. It describes a political space where elections still occur but are neither free nor fair. In my view, it also describes the future of U.S. governance. More on that later.
We have seen the last free election in our country. Today we have de facto one-party rule. The likelihood is that the next president, who Trump is lately suggesting will be him, will be effectively appointed by Congress in conjunction with a compromised Supreme Court. Trump promised his followers in one of his speeches that if they would vote for him this time, they would never have to vote again. This is what he was describing.
Democracy, as we have long understood it in the United States, stands at a at the edge of a cliff. The norms that once safeguarded our institutions have eroded, and as Donald Trump enters his second term as president, the risk of democratic backsliding has never been more pronounced. Trump and Musk are playing a game of Jenga with the U.S. government. But their moves show that they are playing wearing blindfolds and removing the blocks randomly. One of them will eventually remove the piece of the government that causes it to collapse. And the U.S. will be no more.
The warning signs have been there for years. Trump’s first term was marked by open disdain for the rule of law, the erosion of institutional independence, and an unrelenting assault on the free press. His presidency culminated in the January 6, 2021, insurrection with an attempted coup against a legitimate democratic election. Despite this, he was neither convicted in his impeachment trial nor barred from running for office again. That failure to hold him accountable has brought us to this moment, with the second Trump presidency working quickly to push America further into authoritarianism.
But what does this actually look like? A total collapse into dictatorship remains unlikely in the immediate future. Instead, we face a slower, more insidious decline into what political scientists call “competitive authoritarianism,” a system where elections still occur, but they are neither free nor fair, and where political opposition is systematically weakened until the ruling party has an unbreakable grip on power.
One of the clearest signs of this shift is the erosion of checks and balances. Trump has already demonstrated his intent to replace independent institutions with loyalists who prioritize personal allegiance over constitutional duty. This includes federal agencies such as the Department of Justice, which, in his second term, he has openly suggested should be used to prosecute political enemies. The courts, already shaped by three of his Supreme Court appointments, may not be the bulwark of democracy they were intended to be, particularly if Trump expands efforts to install more judges who align with his ideology rather than the law.
Congress was once envisioned as a check on executive power but has abandoned that role and become a rubber stamp for Trumps unlimited avarice. If the Republican Party maintains control, Trump’s power will go largely unchecked. Few within the party are willing to challenge his excesses. Meanwhile, state legislatures in Republican-controlled states have already begun laying the groundwork to subvert future elections through gerrymandering, voter suppression laws, and the normalization of efforts to overturn results that do not favor the party in power.
Then there is the matter of political violence. Trump’s rhetoric has long encouraged extremism, from his embrace of the Proud Boys in 2020 to his continued claim that the legal system is being weaponized against him. The January 6 insurrection was not an isolated incident but a preview of what could come if Trump and his supporters feel they are losing their grip on power. By delegitimizing the judiciary, vilifying opposition leaders, and continuing to spread false narratives about the “deep state,” Trump is setting the stage for an era where violence is not just a possibility, but a political tool used to intimidate and silence dissent.
Compounding this is the disinformation machine that fuels his movement. The erosion of trust in mainstream media, combined with the rise of right-wing echo chambers, ensures that a significant portion of the American public operates in an alternate reality, one where Trump is the victim of a vast conspiracy, rather than a man who has openly violated constitutional principles. A misinformed public is an easily manipulated one, and as independent journalism continues to face threats, the danger of a reality dictated by propaganda becomes more real.
The consequences of these developments extend beyond politics. The economic and social ramifications of a weakened democracy are scary. Nations that experience democratic backsliding often see capital flight, reduced foreign investment, and economic instability. Investors rely on legal predictability and institutional stability, two things that are increasingly in question under Trump’s leadership. And as civil liberties erode, marginalized communities are often the first to suffer, with policies that disproportionately target immigrants, activists, and political dissidents.
Internationally, the repercussions are just as dire. The United States has long positioned itself as a global leader of democracy. If Trump undermines alliances like NATO, weakens diplomatic ties with democratic nations, and continues to cozy up to autocrats like Vladimir Putin and Viktor Orbán, America’s global influence will wane. Worse, it will signal to other fragile democracies that authoritarianism is not only permissible but inevitable.
So where does this leave us? Is there a way to prevent the decline of democracy? The answer is yes, but it requires a level of civic engagement and institutional resilience that has, so far, been insufficient.
State governments can act as a firewall. While the federal government may shift toward authoritarianism, states still hold significant power. Governors, attorneys general, and secretaries of state in Democratic-controlled areas must be prepared to legally challenge federal overreach and protect the integrity of elections within their jurisdictions.
The judiciary, despite its increasing politicization, may still serve as a counterweight. But this depends on whether judges prioritize the rule of law over partisan loyalty. Independent watchdog organizations and investigative journalists remain crucial in exposing corruption and holding power to account, though they will face heightened threats in the years ahead.
Ultimately, though, the most significant safeguard is we the people. Mass protests, voter mobilization, and widespread civic engagement can still serve as deterrents against authoritarian encroachment. The challenge, of course, is ensuring that people recognize the stakes before it is too late. Historically, democracies do not collapse overnight. They erode slowly, and by the time the warning signs become undeniable, it is often too late to reverse course. My concern is that the influence of social media has transformed many Americans into people so passive and self-concerned that they will simply acquiesce to the authoritarians hoping to hang onto to even a crumb of the life they had in the past. I lived through the tumultuous 1960s when relentless protests stopped a pointless war that killed 50,000 young men.
The coming days will determine whether the United States remains a democracy in any meaningful sense or if it becomes another casualty of the global authoritarian wave. We must resist the normalization of democratic decay. We must demand accountability. And we must remember that democracy is not self-sustaining, it survives only as long as people are willing to fight for it. The threat is real and it is urgent. There is no middle ground.
Disclaimer: I write opinion pieces. The views expressed in this editorial are my own and do not necessarily reflect those of Polk County Publishing or its affiliates. In the interest of transparency, I am politically Left Libertarian.
