The Flaw is in the Creator, not the Creation

From the Roman Republic to the digital frontier, humanity has corrupted every system it built. AI will be no exception.

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Throughout history, humanity has sought to rise above its flaws by building systems. Laws to restrain injustice. Democracies to restrain tyranny. Markets to restrain scarcity. We have placed our faith in these structures, believing that by crafting systems of sufficient ingenuity, we could overcome our own worst impulses. It is a noble dream. But it is a dream that history, time and again, has shattered.

The flaw, as it turns out, is not in the tools we build. It is in the hands that wield them.

The Roman Republic, founded on a delicate balance of powers between the Senate, the assemblies, and the magistrates, offered one of humanity's first great experiments in institutional self-restraint. Yet over centuries, private ambition overwhelmed public virtue. Wealth concentrated in the hands of a few aristocratic families, who used the very mechanisms of the Republic to protect their dominance. By the time Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon, the republic was already hollow. It fell not because the structure was inherently weak, but because human nature found and exploited its every vulnerability.

The French Revolution erupted with the promise of "liberty, equality, fraternity." It replaced monarchy with the dream of a people's republic. Yet within a few short years, the Revolution devoured itself. Power coalesced in the hands of men like Robespierre, who turned ideals into instruments of terror. The guillotine became a symbol not of justice, but of factional revenge. The Revolution, meant to free the masses, ended by replacing one form of tyranny with another.

In the modern era, democracy was hailed as a safeguard against corruption and authoritarianism. The American experiment, with its checks and balances, sought to build a republic resilient to human ambition. Yet even here, history tells a familiar story. The concentration of wealth, the manipulation of public opinion, the slow erosion of democratic norms in favor of corporate and partisan interests, all have followed the same ancient pattern. Even the most carefully constructed system has proved permeable to persistent self-interest.

And now, standing at the threshold of artificial intelligence, we find ourselves repeating the same error: placing faith in a tool to save us from ourselves.

AI is often spoken of as if it were something apart from human nature, an external force whose behavior must be feared, predicted, or restrained. The real danger is more familiar. It is not that AI will develop ambitions alien to us. It is that it will be shaped by, and serve, the ambitions we already have.

Already, the signs are unmistakable. Predictive policing algorithms, built on historical crime data, reinforce racial and socioeconomic biases under the banner of statistical objectivity. Hiring algorithms, trained on existing corporate practices, replicate patterns of discrimination against women and minorities. Content recommendation engines, tuned for engagement above all else, reward outrage, misinformation, and division, all in service of keeping eyes on screens and profits flowing upward. These are not future problems. They are present realities. And they are not accidents. They are the predictable results of incentives that value control over fairness, profit over public good, convenience over reflection.

Once again, the flaw is not in the machine. It is in the hand that programs the machine, in the priorities we set, in the compromises we justify.

The institutions shaping AI today are subject to the same pressures that have bent every other human system before them. Corporate executives answer to shareholders demanding quarterly returns. Politicians answer to donors demanding influence. National security officials answer to threats, real or perceived, demanding dominance.

There is no neutral ground here.
There is no clean slate.
AI will not exist above humanity’s fray. It will exist inside it, magnifying, accelerating, and hardening the structures we have already allowed to form.

The risk is not that AI will suddenly rebel against us. The risk is that it will obey us perfectly, encoding and amplifying every flaw we have refused to confront.
And unlike the institutions of past centuries, flawed but at least human-scaled, the systems we build now operate at speeds and complexities far beyond individual understanding.
Once corrupted, they may not be repairable at all.

This is not to say that technical safeguards, regulations, and ethical frameworks are useless. They are necessary. But they are not sufficient. No framework can outpace a culture that accepts corruption as the cost of doing business. No technical fix can withstand a society that prioritizes short-term gain over long-term survival. The only true safeguard is the one we have never fully managed to build: a political and civic culture willing to impose accountability, even ,  and especially, when it is inconvenient.

Time is short.
The foundations are already being laid.
The data we train on, the goals we optimize for, the values we encode, all of these choices are being made today, often invisibly, often without public consent. If we do not act, decisively, thoughtfully, and soon, then the AI systems of tomorrow will not be agents of liberation. They will be monuments to human frailty, more durable and less visible than anything we have built before.

It is tempting, in moments like this, to imagine that some future revelation will awaken us to the dangers, that some obvious failure will shock us into reform. But history suggests otherwise. Corruption does not announce itself with trumpets. It creeps. It normalizes. It becomes the new standard by which all else is measured.

The flaw is not in the tools.
The flaw is in the hands.
And the hands are already at work.

Disclaimer: Jim Powers writes Opinion Columns. The views expressed in this editorial are my own and do not necessarily reflect those of Polk County Publishing Company or its affiliates. In the interest of transparency, I am politically Left Libertarian.